- Phrack #47
- Cooking up Fine Remedies: On the Culinary Aesthetic in a Sixteenth-Century Chinese Materia Medica
- Virgil, Aeneid, 4.1–299
- Phrack #47
How, then, could Sars still believe in the unity of the Norwegian nation? It is now time to ask what influence the idea of European racial supremacy had upon Norwegian nationalism. Despite the fact that the Sami were Norwegian citizens, they were not generally regarded as members of the Norwegian people.
The question is whether they were considered to be outside the nation because of their cultural and linguistic distinctiveness, or because of their perceived racial inferiority. Norwegian scholars who studied Sami language, culture, history and race in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had differing attitudes on this issue. The Sami and the Kvens were encouraged to preserve their language, and the university gave language training to pastors destined for service in Sami and Kven communities.
One of the principal goals of the discipline was to develop the written language and create a Sami literature that could give its readers access to enlightenment and the Christian gospel. He undertook comprehensive studies of the Sami language, religion and culture, wrote fiction and travel literature about the Sami and advocated a liberal minority policy.
The last decades of the nineteenth century saw rising threats towards Sami culture. Agricultural and industrial expansion into Sami districts coincided with the emergence of evolutionary ideas in public debates, and it became common to argue that Sami culture was a relic of the past, destined for extinction. An increasingly harsh policy of cultural and linguistic assimilation, directed at both the Sami and the Kvens, was implemented in the schools.
An important motivation for this assimilationist policy lay in national security concerns and fears of Russian expansionism. The Norwegian state wanted to secure its territorial control through linguistic and cultural assimilation of the territories bordering the Russian empire. When Friis died in , Parliament decided not to renew the chair in Sami and Finnish. They determined that the sole obligation of the Norwegian state towards the Sami and the Kvens was to educate pastors who could speak their language: there was no need to conduct scientific research on their language and culture.
In the professorship was re-established, but by now its justification was purely scientific. Lappology and Finno-Ugrian linguistics were prestigious research fields in which Norway could achieve international acclaim, and it would be embarrassing to leave this research to neighbouring countries. Thus, from the mid-nineteenth century, the social legitimacy of lappology had changed. It was no longer part of a paternalist and pluralist policy aimed at developing the Sami language and culture into tools for cultural progress. Instead, it was legitimised as a purely academic study of a language and a culture that the state, ironically, wanted to eradicate.
Among the enterprises that moved into the spectacular Crystal Palace exhibition hall at the end of this great event was an ethnographic museum directed by Robert Latham. In order to obtain Sami objects to exhibit, he relied on the assistance of his friend, Ludvig Kristensen Daa, to arrange a trade with the University of Kristiania. A number of Sami artifacts were shipped to London, along with plaster casts of the heads of three Sami men.
In return, the university received cultural objects from Sumatra, Borneo, Australia and British Guinea. Its first director was the history professor Peter Andreas Munch, who put little effort into this aspect of his professorial duties. But when Daa took over the professorship ten years later, he began expanding and renewing the museum. Daa believed that the museum had a special obligation to maintain a representative collection of Sami artefacts and to display Sami culture.
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He established an open-air exhibition featuring a replica Sea Sami farm in the garden of the university building, and in he undertook an ethnographic field trip to the Finnish-Norwegian-Russian border region along with his friend, the lappologist Jens Friis. He thought they had an inferior culture, but in line with his monogenist views, he did not consider this inferiority to be racially determined or immutable.
Daa believed that the Norwegians should help the Sami become civilised. Four of these were European and included both the Norwegian and the Sami cultures. During this transformation, the Norwegian and Sami collections assumed new meanings.
Cooking up Fine Remedies: On the Culinary Aesthetic in a Sixteenth-Century Chinese Materia Medica
While the Sami artefacts were kept at the Ethnographic Museum as objects of great interest, the Norwegian items were removed and transferred to a national museum of culture and history. The planned museum was meant to include the Norwegian rural artefacts, not as part of the ethnographic department, but as a separate exhibition connected to the National Antiquities Collection. Cultural objects were displayed in an open-air museum, its old buildings located in a scenic landscape on the outskirts of the capital.
The Norsk Folkemuseum was the first of a number of similar establishments established in Norway over the following decades. These museums have had a significant impact on Norwegian notions of cultural roots, and they became a key site for research into the material culture of pre-industrial society. This raises the question of whether this categorisation of Sami culture was based on notions of race. Were the Sami considered an object of ethnographic research and a vanishing people because they were assumed to be culturally primitive, or because they were considered to be racially inferior?
Yngvar Nielsen, the head of the Ethnographic Museum, gave a straightforward answer to this question. It is important to note, however, that the ideas Nielsen advocated were not universally accepted. Over the next decade he spent a total of six years at German ethnographic museums, and he also visited the U. According to his successor, Gutorm Gjessing, Solberg did not adhere to any particular school of research.
This attitude was especially typical of Franz Boas who, in the early decades of the century, engaged in a long-running campaign against scientific racism. The programme, which Solberg had designed, was based on the assumption that all the Arctic peoples, regardless of their racial roots, shared a common Arctic way of life. As they were all forced to adapt to the harsh Arctic environment, there were basic similarities between their cultures across Norway, Russia, Siberia, Alaska, Canada and Greenland. According to this line of reasoning, though the Sami stood outside European civilisation, the essential dividing line was not racial, but rather the fact that the Sami belonged to an Arctic cultural region.
Virgil, Aeneid, 4.1–299
This implied that the Sami had lost their status as the descendants of the original inhabitants of the Scandinavian Peninsula. But at the turn of the century, even this assumption was contested. These were the forefathers of the dark, short-skulled Norwegian coastal dwellers in the south as well as the dark, short-skulled Sea Sami in the north.
These nomads, the original Sami people, had not settled in Norway before the tenth century. One of his arguments was the existence of respectful descriptions of the Sea Sami written by Norwegians in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. His reasoning was based on a racial hierarchy with the long-skulled Aryans at the top, the Anaryans at a lower level, and the Sami at the bottom. Before Christianisation in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Sami had a tradition of building burial sites in screes, where stone slabs were erected as roof and walls around the deceased.
Nordvi had studied archaeology in Copenhagen and wanted to understand the pre-Christian burial customs of the Sami; he was not primarily interested in the skulls. But in the s and s, he faced financial problems and began selling Sami skulls to scientific institutions. He dismissed established interpretations of ancient and medieval sources that were taken as evidence of ancient Sami presence, and he rejected established folkloristic theories about remnants of Norse mythology in Sami folk traditions, as well as linguistic theories about Norse or proto-Scandinavian loanwords in the Sami language which implied ancient Sami settlement in Scandinavia.
Mass starvation was also becoming an extremely rare occurrence in Evenki camps.
Nomadizing areas of many Evenki clans and families changed fundamentally in s- s. Large- scale development of the Far East during the industrialization of the country, dramatic expansion of logging activity and gold mining, road building and the founding of settlements pushed some families out of their native lands. This partly was determined by restricted access to border areas along the Amur River. Some clans were forced to migrate away from the border, from their old nomadic camps and from relatives who nomadized on the other bank of the Amur River within a puppet state Manchukuo, which was hostile towards the USSR.
Since that time the pathways of the Amur Evenks living on Russian territory, and the Evenks of Northeast China proceeded in different directions. Nikolaeva in her rawhide tent set near her log house. Living in newly built settlements, working in sovkhozes and kolkhozes, the Evenks began to adopt agriculture, a non-traditional type of activity for them.
On initially virgin lands which were quite barren and hard to tend with the Siberian climate they began to grow oats, potatoes, carrots and other crops. However, they partially preserved the Evenki traditional type of economy - for instance, herding and hunting remained the major sources of income in Evenki sovkhozes. In addition to that, fur farming began to develop within those state farms - Evenks learned to breed foxes, sables, silver foxes and other furbearers.
All those facts have significantly changed the status of the Evenki women. Traditionally, a woman managed a household, brought up children, gathered wild plants, etc. Female shamans, which combined woman's work with cult practice, were a partial exception to this rule.
But then new areas of employment became available for Evenki women education, medicine, agriculture, etc. It is not surprising, and it is even natural that many Evenki girls preferred employment in villages to more severe and dangerous nomad life in taiga. Psychological and physiological characteristics of women, along with some social factors, became among the main reasons for the increasing trend of a settled lifestyle.
Warm fur coats and fur footwear, hats and gloves, sleeping bags and other things were sewn during those workshops. This national Evenki craft turned out very useful during World War II: many of such clothes were sent to the Red Army and protected the soviet soldiers against the hardest frosts. Many Evenks joined the Soviet Army, becoming brave warriors. Much of the native Handing furs on to sovkhoz. Many of them gave their lives in the name of victory. For example, men went to war from the Evenki village Ust-Nyukzha Tyndinskiy area, the Amur region , and of them were killed on the battlefield.
Sewing clothes of reindeer skins. Among those war heroes are E. Malchakitov and E. Nikolayev Ust-Nyukzha. In the postwar years the Even ks contributed to the development of the Far East. They transported different loads on their reindeer during the construction of roads and communication lines, supplied gold- miners and forestry workers with meat. In addition, the Evenks worked as guides during various expeditions including geological ones.
Who else but the Evenks, whose ancestors wandered on the Amur lands for centuries, could be better guides in a primeval, impassable taiga? One of these guides, an Evenk from the village Bomnak 41 named Ulukitkan Ev. In ss reindeer herding began to develop at a rapid pace: the herds counted many thousands, deer slaughtering was massive - usually animals at a time. The living conditions of reindeer herders were improved: permanent log houses were built for them in taiga, and each reindeer herding brigade had a portable radio to maintain contact with the village.
Helicopters regularly flew to the nomad camps, supplying them with necessities and food.